By Lee D. Baker
Within the overdue 19th century, if ethnologists within the usa famous African American tradition, they generally perceived it as anything to be conquer and left at the back of. while, they have been dedicated to salvaging “disappearing” local American tradition by way of curating items, narrating practices, and recording languages. In Anthropology and the Racial Politics of tradition, Lee D. Baker examines theories of race and tradition built by means of American anthropologists throughout the overdue 19th century and early 20th. He investigates the function that ethnologists performed in making a racial politics of tradition during which Indians had a tradition useful of protection and exhibition whereas African americans did not.Baker argues that the concept that of tradition built via ethnologists to appreciate American Indian languages and customs within the 19th century shaped the foundation of the anthropological suggestion of race ultimately used to confront “the Negro challenge” within the 20th century. As he explores the results of anthropology’s assorted techniques to African american citizens and local americans, and the field’s varied yet overlapping theories of race and tradition, Baker delves into the careers of popular anthropologists and ethnologists, together with James Mooney Jr., Frederic W. Putnam, Daniel G. Brinton, and Franz Boas. His research takes under consideration not just medical societies, journals, museums, and universities, but in addition the advance of sociology within the usa, African American and local American activists and intellectuals, philanthropy, the media, and executive entities from the Bureau of Indian Affairs to the ideal courtroom. In Anthropology and the Racial Politics of tradition, Baker tells how anthropology has either replied to and assisted in shaping principles approximately race and tradition within the usa, and the way its principles were appropriated (and misappropriated) to wildly varied ends.
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Additional info for Anthropology and the Racial Politics of Culture
Samuel grew up close to his father, and in a memoir titled “From the Beginning” explained how Richard Armstrong’s philosophy of education shaped that of Hampton. Comparing the Lahaina-luna Seminary, which taught Greek and Latin, to the Hilo Boarding and Manual Labor School, Armstrong remarked that “as a rule the former turned out more brilliant, the latter less advanced but more solid men. In making the plan of Hampton Institute that of the Hilo School seemed the best to follow. . Hence came our policy of teaching only English and the system of industrial training at Hampton.
Among other evidences of this spirit is the recent enactment by Congress of the law . . for the preservation of antiquities on public domain. . A step in a similar direction is the provision made by Congress at its last session for the establishment of the Mesa Verde National Park in Colorado, which contains some of the most important cliff-dwellings in the United States. . For many years the Office of Indian Affairs maintained a policy of trying to eliminate everything aboriginal from the American Indian by substituting there for something that originated with the white man, whether or not it was adapted to the Indian’s needs.
Together, they became indelible signs of deviant behavior or a pathological culture. Too often, the causal arrow pointed to the black mother or the matriarch as the catalyst for the calamitous experiences in black communities (Frazier 1939:89). Even at the height of the Harlem Renaissance, the heritage project was simply dwarfed by the uplift project. Even Du Bois’s—what I would term—ethical humanity project could not compete with the powerful narrative of individual uplift and collective blame.
Anthropology and the Racial Politics of Culture by Lee D. Baker